German Red Prince

Page 67

Wang Jingwei clearly didn't want to talk about this, otherwise his assassination attempt on Liao Zhongkai to seize power would be a foregone conclusion. So Wang Jingwei remained silent. There may have been many people who assassinated Liao Zhongkai, after all, his policies offended so many people, and those people were more suspicious than him.

But as if some force was pulling the strings, public opinion suddenly began to attack him, saying that he was the real culprit behind the incident. This incident was an internal struggle within the left wing of the Kuomintang, which made Wang Jingwei somewhat panicked. Although it was related to him, it was not enough for him to assassinate someone. He would not gain any benefit from it.

However, given the prevailing public opinion, Wang Jingwei was soon placed under secret surveillance and his personal freedom was restricted. Wu Tiecheng immediately recognized that this was arranged by Hu Hanmin. Was Wang Jingwei afraid of death? Of course not. He dared to assassinate a prince when he was young. How could he be a coward?

What Wang Jingwei feared most was actually losing power. He was most afraid of losing the power he had already obtained, which was his Achilles' heel. Now that Liao Zhongkai had been assassinated and Wang Jingwei was under secret surveillance, he had become a suspect. If Liao Zhongkai did not wake up, then his political career could be said to be completely over. He would definitely be squeezed out of the center of power, which would be tantamount to killing him.

Therefore, under these circumstances, Wang Jingwei's heart must have changed, because he was no longer the passionate young man who was "willing to die for his country." Back then, he had almost nothing and could only fight with his life. Now it's different. He has status and power. If he doesn't fight for it, how can he be willing to be kicked out so easily?

Wu Tiecheng's appearance at this moment was absolutely necessary. He made Wang Jingwei, who was still struggling with his decision, finally make up his mind to take a gamble now, as there was a real chance of turning the tide. It was at this moment that he completely fell into Hu Hanmin's trap, which led to the series of events that followed.

All of this was Hu Hanmin's script. If the German fleet had entered, he would have truly succeeded. In other words, the person who called Li Zhilong of the Naval Bureau was actually someone arranged by Hu Hanmin. Li Zhilong was a Communist Party member, and by having him act, Hu Hanmin could take the opportunity to provoke conflict between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Only by causing mutual destruction could Hu Hanmin stabilize the situation after taking power.

After Hu Hanmin had someone make a phone call to relay the order, he tried to let Wang Jingwei know. He also arranged for someone to be on the warship he sent out, because the phone call said that the French advisory group wanted to see the Zhongshan warship fire a salute, so a real gun was prepared on the ship. He had a real gun mixed in with them. If you're going to put on a show, you have to go all out. If you don't bring some weapons, they'll believe it's real. Otherwise, how will a war break out?

Although Wu Tiecheng participated in the operation, he was not involved in many aspects. His task was to persuade Wang Jingwei and the Navy Bureau to set up a trap. He didn't know much about the other parts, but he still mentioned a few names.

The Central Supervisory Committee member Chen Guofu, the fortress commander Li Zhaoying, the naval education director Ouyang Ge, and the naval admiral Chen Ce—most of the people he mentioned were members of the Sun Yat-senism Society and were all right-wing figures in the Kuomintang. In other words, this whole affair was a conspiracy orchestrated by the right wing of the Kuomintang, taking advantage of the contradictions between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and within the left wing of the Kuomintang.

The investigation committee acted swiftly, and soon all those involved were apprehended. Many were caught while fleeing Guangzhou, and the committee obtained a great deal of important intelligence from them.

For example, these people were fortunate to have secretly contacted the Germans beforehand. When the Guangzhou Revolutionary Government defeated the coalition of eight provinces, the German envoy went to Liao Zhongkai but failed to reach an agreement, so they went to the right wing of the Kuomintang, which had temporarily lost power.

That is to say, they had been planning this conspiracy for a long time. The right wing seemed to have given up the struggle for power and did not participate much in daily affairs. In fact, they were using this to hide their strength and ambition, to lull everyone into a false sense of security. This was a shameless sneak attack by the internal reactionaries in conjunction with imperialist forces.

The "coup" failed, largely thanks to the Japanese. When they learned that it was the Japanese who intercepted the German fleet, everyone was very surprised. Why would the Japanese help them?

Could it be that the devil is one foot taller than the saint, and the Communist Party had already reached a secret agreement with Japan? Did they use this method to "seize power" and gain supreme leadership of the revolutionary government and the Chinese revolution?

If that's the case, then the CCP is really on a global scale. This whole thing is incredibly complicated. The Japanese government hasn't responded to this, or rather, it hasn't responded to the Guangdong revolutionary government at all.

They only publicized this "great imperial victory" domestically and didn't mention it much internationally. Japan had also considered the consequences; this was a risky operation. If they made too much noise, and that hot-tempered emperor in Berlin heard about it, it might really trigger a war.

Those involved are often confused, while bystanders see things clearly. Both the Japanese government and Germany knew exactly why the Japanese fleet had suddenly appeared, but this puzzled the revolutionary government. They couldn't understand why Japan would step in. Did Japan really want to be the "big brother" of East Asia?

In any case, the revolutionary government was not overthrown, but the appearance of the Japanese fleet and some details left the Comintern at a loss and hesitant to take any rash actions, even though they had previously stated that they would support the Communist Party immediately if any problems arose within the revolutionary government.

However, this incident involved foreign forces, specifically two imperialist powers, so they dared not easily trust the committee's investigation. What if they had prepared a story in advance to avoid further losses? They didn't want to raise ungrateful accomplices; even comrades should keep some options open.

After discussions, the Comintern decided to continue its observation, but the revolutionary government had to be reorganized and could no longer be the same as before. They had previously disliked the right wing of the Kuomintang, but unexpectedly, the left wing also ran into trouble. If they wanted to continue receiving aid, the government had to change internally. They did not want these people to fight each other with the weapons they had provided.

Even if the Comintern hadn't mentioned it, the revolutionary government would have had to be reorganized. Many high-ranking government officials had been killed in this incident, and a new leadership had to be established immediately. This incident also exposed many contradictions within the revolutionary government, and resolving these contradictions was more important than the Northern Expedition.

It is now necessary to convene a meeting to discuss the reorganization of the revolutionary government.

Chapter 103 Government Reform Conference

It is indeed necessary to hold a meeting to discuss the current problems of the Guangdong Revolutionary Government. After Sun Yat-sen's death, Sun Changfang betrayed his oath, and the revolutionary government was busy with the Northern Expedition. Therefore, it did not pay much attention to the internal affairs of the government. This incident can be said to be inevitable. It is a total outbreak of all kinds of problems and malpractices.

The Guangdong Revolutionary Government needs a thorough reorganization because its current territory extends beyond Guangdong.

The Guangdong Revolutionary Government is now transforming from a revolutionary organization into a state power organization, as the old political structure is no longer suitable for the current situation.

Moreover, the revolutionary government had a unique feature: the Communist Party controlled certain areas within the regime, and the policies implemented in those areas differed from those in the areas controlled by the Kuomintang.

The current differences are temporary, but because the two parties have fundamentally different governing philosophies and goals, they will inevitably evolve into another split in the long run. Early detection and treatment are crucial. While it is still in its early stages, let's discuss how to resolve this issue.

The French advisory group, representing the Comintern, also participated in this meeting. Their participation as intermediaries helped avoid some awkward situations. The immediate priority was to determine the next government leader.

Liao Zhongkai did not designate a successor like Sun Yat-sen did during his lifetime. This sudden event has once again demonstrated the division within the Kuomintang. So, from which faction of the Kuomintang should the next government leader be selected, or in other words, is the Kuomintang still qualified to continue leading the revolutionary government?

When Dr. Sun Yat-sen was still alive, his personal prestige was enough to suppress other forces within the party. As mentioned before, the Kuomintang did not have its own party platform and constitution at the beginning. The Kuomintang's predecessor, the Tongmenghui, was more like a gang, without any formal or legitimate structure. The fact that they were able to come together was entirely due to Sun Yat-sen as their leader.

Whether it's applying to join the party or swearing allegiance to Sun Yat-sen personally, his personal prestige has overshadowed the party's prestige. Most people who join the Kuomintang admire Sun Yat-sen's personal charisma or come to speculate, without any deep understanding of the party.

This means that while Sun Yat-sen was alive, the party members might be united, but once he passed away, without a proper party code to restrain them, the party became leaderless and inevitably split into different factions based on interests. This is the biggest problem facing the Kuomintang today.

After several reorganizations by Sun Yat-sen, the Kuomintang (KMT) began to take shape, but it did not fundamentally change. In other words, it failed to grasp the key points and simply treated symptoms rather than the root cause.

After Sun Yat-sen's death, no one in the party had his prestige, so party reforms were repeatedly hindered. If the Kuomintang wanted to continue leading the revolutionary government, it needed to carry out a thorough reform.

Although the Kuomintang (KMT) now leads the government, its membership size remains somewhat awkward within the grassroots areas controlled by the revolutionary government.

The First National Congress of the Kuomintang (KMT) was held in 1924, marking the completion of the KMT's reorganization and the formal establishment of the KMT-CPC cooperation.

After its reorganization, the Kuomintang transformed from a bourgeois political party into a revolutionary alliance of four classes: workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie, and national bourgeoisie.

After the establishment of the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, the revolution developed rapidly and comprehensively. However, as mentioned before, the Kuomintang did not have the ability to establish grassroots organizations. It could only unite a small number of elite figures at the top, and it could not unite the ordinary citizens at the bottom. It could also be said that they were afraid to cooperate with the people at the middle and lower levels.

Therefore, the Communist Party handled all these tasks on behalf of the Kuomintang (KMT), while the KMT was responsible for the upper-level operations. The Communist Party, acting as the grassroots force, helped the KMT stabilize its base. The CCP also assisted the KMT in establishing provincial and municipal party branches. Many Communist Party members also served as heads of KMT provincial and municipal party branches.

These grassroots Communist Party members helped recruit lower- and middle-class people to join the revolution. As mentioned before, during the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party could join the other party as individuals.

The Great Revolution promoted opposition to imperialism and exploitation, and its general direction was consistent with the revolutionary ideals of the Communist Party. Socialism, on the other hand, promoted opposition to oppression and equality for all, so many progressive young people leaned towards the Communist Party.

They believed that socialism was a good ideology and capitalism was not. Although the review process for joining the Communist Party was much stricter than that for joining the Kuomintang, and most young people could only join the Kuomintang, they did not take pride in this identity within the Kuomintang.

These people like to call themselves "leftists," and most of them identify themselves as "Kuomintang leftists." These terms, leftist and rightist, were mostly invented by the Communist Party and once aroused dissatisfaction among members of the Kuomintang. Chiang Kai-shek, who previously served as the principal of the Whampoa Military Academy, had a great deal of opinion about this and believed that the tricks played by these Communists seriously affected the unity within the party.

"The Communist Party invented the left and right factions within the party. Most people within our party prefer the left and fear the right, regarding the left as the orthodox. If you say someone is a leftist, they will be overjoyed; if you say someone is a rightist, they will argue with you. People within the party do not call themselves Kuomintang members, but rather leftists, intentionally distancing themselves from our party. The Communist Party's methods are unpredictable and hateful."

We can see the situation at that time from this diary of Mr. Chiang. Although the total number of Communists was not as large as that of the Kuomintang, the proportion of grassroots Communists was much higher than that of the Kuomintang. Moreover, most grassroots Kuomintang members had a second identity, and many Kuomintang members joined the Communist Party in their personal capacity.

This is also why some people keep clamoring that the Communist Party will seize power, because the grassroots organizations are all in their hands, and they might not be able to command them one day.

The role played by the CCP in the task of liberating China was enormous. The CCP and the Comintern helped the Kuomintang establish the Whampoa Military Academy and the National Revolutionary Army, cultivating a group of military and political talents for the revolutionary army.

At the same time, the CCP promoted the development of the workers' and peasants' movement in various places. The CCP led the Shamian Strike in Guangzhou and helped the Kuomintang establish the Peasant Movement Training Institute in Guangzhou.

Through two Eastern Expeditions and a Southern Expedition, they helped unify and consolidate the revolutionary base area in Guangdong and promoted the development of the revolutionary movement in the north.

The Great Revolution has just reached its climax, and the task of liberating all of China may be accomplished in no more than five years. However, the struggle for leadership within the united front is so fierce that the left wing of the Kuomintang, which has always been trusted by the Comintern, has started fighting among itself, allowing the right wing of the Kuomintang to carry out its activities to seize leadership.

The assassination of Liao Zhongkai, the leader of the Kuomintang left wing, and the Xishan Conference organized by the Kuomintang right wing earlier, had already marked the open split of the Kuomintang, although the right wing temporarily lost power after a series of struggles.

However, this incident also shows that they have not completely given up. The right wing has not disappeared and is still developing in the shadows. The fact that many government officials participated in the coup shows that the right wing has been quietly infiltrating the government for a long time.

Many of the government officials involved in this incident were members of the Kuomintang Central Supervisory Committee. The Kuomintang Central Supervisory Committee is mainly responsible for reviewing the Kuomintang party affairs and the work of Kuomintang party members, auditing party members serving in the Kuomintang central government, and checking whether their policies and achievements are in line with the Kuomintang's platform and policies.

It was through this authority that they were able to obtain the list and so quickly kill those who had been designated long ago. This "power grab and coup" almost destroyed the revolutionary forces that Guangzhou had accumulated over the years in such a short time.

In this incident, the Communist Party suffered far greater losses than the Kuomintang. The Guangzhou Central Committee was almost wiped out. However, the Communist Party still agreed to let the Kuomintang continue to govern in order to prove its innocence and show that it had not participated in this "coup" and that the leaders of the Guangdong Revolutionary Government were still the Kuomintang.

The lesson learned this time was extremely profound. If the Communist Party had not had its own armed forces and had only relied on small groups of troops scattered in various regions, even with the help of the International Brigades, they would not have been able to succeed. The main reason they were able to quell this coup was because of the 100,000 troops and hundreds of thousands of people standing behind the Communist Party.

The main reason for this incident is that there are still opportunists and counter-revolutionaries within the Kuomintang. When the incident occurred in the city, many people came out to retaliate, resulting in the deaths of many innocent people. The party lacks strict discipline and detailed theoretical guidance, which led to the current mistake.

To compensate the Communist Party for its losses in this incident, the Comintern proposed that the Communist Party help the Kuomintang (KMT) reorganize. Although the Communist Party was a small party before, it was far superior to the KMT in terms of party building. Therefore, the Communist Party would provide guidance and the Comintern would provide assistance to carry out a thorough reorganization of the KMT and fundamentally solve the problem.

The Communist Party will assist the Kuomintang in its reorganization, oversee and guide its work, scientifically analyze and systematically explain Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People, formulate detailed party programs and disciplines to strictly regulate the behavior of party members, and conduct rigorous screening of party members' identities to prevent opportunists from joining the party.

The Comintern naturally had its own reasons for proposing such a plan. The Comintern always wanted to guard against the nature of the Kuomintang, so this was a good opportunity to completely reshape and transform the Kuomintang.

If the Communist Party were to guide the reorganization of the Kuomintang, the two sides would inevitably gradually converge in the ideological sphere, and the barriers between the two parties would slowly disappear. In that case, as the two sides cooperated more deeply, they would gradually move towards unification and integration, merging the two parties into one.

If the current situation continues to develop, the newly formed party will definitely gain the upper hand, because the Kuomintang has caused too much harm to the revolutionary masses in this incident. Ordinary Kuomintang members were also massacred, and some people were shot on the street just because of which way they combed their hair.

The charge of "colluding with the Communist Party to stage a coup" implicated a large number of Kuomintang members. Even those who had no connection with the Communist Party were forcibly labeled and executed. Progressives were turned into reactionaries, and reactionaries into progressives. It's fortunate that it didn't escalate. It only happened in Guangzhou and had such a bad impact. If it had spread, the destructive power would have been immense. It would have rotted away on its own without anyone else's intervention.

This incident had a significant negative impact on the Kuomintang (KMT). After the coup was quelled, many people came to register to withdraw from the party. Before, they at least said they were "KMT leftists," but now they don't even bother to say "KMT" anymore and just call themselves "leftists."

In this conference, in addition to the reorganization of the Kuomintang, there was also the reorganization of the government, and a comprehensive reshaping of the organizational and military structures of the revolutionary government.

The first thing to do was to reorganize the government. The Guangdong Revolutionary Government evolved from Sun Yat-sen's Guangzhou Military Government and still had certain limitations. Therefore, the government needed to carry out a reform to address these limitations.

First and foremost, it is essential to establish the mission and significance of the government. The Guangdong Revolutionary Government, upholding the legacy of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, takes the liberation of all of China and the establishment of a democratic republic as its mission, and the new government will continue to strive toward this goal.

The crisis arose because the Kuomintang (KMT) previously held a dominant position. Therefore, reforms are needed to address this issue. The new government will implement a joint government between the KMT and the Communist Party, with equal representation for key positions, and mutual supervision and checks and balances between the two parties.

At the same time, the new government also established democratic systems such as the "three-thirds system" as a vehicle for political activities, united other revolutionary forces, won over the middle forces, isolated the die-hard forces, and found the greatest balance among the revolutionary classes.

The new government will implement a "three-thirds system" in the composition of its personnel, namely, one-third of the personnel will be from other small and medium-sized parties, one-third will be from non-partisan left-wing progressives, and one-third will be from centrists who are neither left nor right. This will make political decision-making more democratic and representative, and ensure that all revolutionary classes have a voice and that the interests of all parties can be taken into account.

The military must also make adjustments. It is imperative to prevent the revolutionary forces from becoming someone's private army, completely eliminate warlordism, ensure that the revolutionary army always belongs to the people, prevent the army from becoming corrupt, educate the army with faith, and ensure that the army maintains a high degree of revolutionary will and keeps its responsibilities and mission in mind.

Only by letting the Party command the gun can this purity be maintained. If the gun commands the Party, and whoever has the gun is king, then the army will immediately degenerate into the private armies of warlords, with no progressiveness whatsoever.

The Guangdong Revolutionary Government will be renamed the National Government, and Xu Chongzhi will serve as its leader. After all, both the left and right wings of the Kuomintang are in trouble, so they can only find someone from the centrists. Xu Chongzhi's performance and qualifications made him a successful candidate for the new government leader.

However, his rise to power also demonstrated the extent to which the Kuomintang was affected by this incident, and its strength could no longer be what it used to be. Therefore, his rise to power also marked the beginning of the Kuomintang's decline.

This was not only a reorganization of the government and the army, but also the beginning of a renewed cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. This signified the start of their second collaboration to continue the revolutionary mission.

At this meeting, Mao Zedong was appointed as a member of the Central Executive Committee due to his outstanding performance.

Because of his successful suppression of the rebellion and his outstanding achievements in Hunan, Mao Zedong's leadership position in the Party Central Committee was also established at a special meeting of the Communist Party of China jointly convened by the Comintern and the CPC Central Committee. After this meeting, Mao Zedong became the de facto leader of the new Party Central Committee.

Chapter 104 The History of the Development of the American Socialist Movement

After the war ended, the victors reshaped the world order. Although the war was a victory for the Central Powers, when it came time to divide the spoils, those former allies instantly became enemies. Therefore, there was only one victor in this war: Germany.

Germany monopolized the spoils of victory, taking a huge share of the Allied wealth. Just look at the other victorious nations to understand how much Germany actually benefited from this war.

Italy, his former ally, suffered retribution after he chose the wrong side; the entire country was dismembered. Austria-Hungary also gained nothing from the war; instead, it faced greater poverty, higher deficits, and more acute ethnic conflicts.

The Ottoman Empire could have been one of the two victors in this great war. The Turkish army defeated the Greeks and then marched north into the Caucasus to defeat the Russian forces. They successfully occupied the Baku oil fields and large tracts of land in the Caucasus region, and the reconstruction of the Great Ottoman Empire seemed imminent.

However, all of this was brought to an end by Germany. Using the Ottoman massacres in the Caucasus as a pretext, Germany signed the Treaty of Caucasus with the Ottomans in Istanbul, establishing a number of puppet states in the Caucasus region under German control, forcing the Turks to spit out the meat they had finally managed to get their hands on.

In the subsequent Middle Eastern campaigns, Germany secretly aided various Middle Eastern countries, preventing the Ottomans from maintaining effective control despite their occupation. This led to a complete falling out between the two former friends.

The unequal distribution of spoils after the war left Germany with almost no friends internationally, plunging it into a more complete diplomatic isolation than before the war. Although Germany had dethroned the British Empire from its position as the world's leading power, it had few friends left in the world.

Because Germany's diplomatic credibility is currently quite poor, most countries in the world prefer to maintain relations with the United States, especially its allies in the Entente Powers, since the world's second-largest economy is the only one they can rely on.

During the war, the United States maintained an "isolationist policy," merely selling arms to the Old World. In the minds of Americans, they were actually unwilling to deal with Europeans. As long as they secured their base in the Americas, that was enough. For the United States, the best course of action was to remain neutral and let the European powers fight amongst themselves until they were both exhausted. This was what Wilson called "a peace without a victor."

If there were no victors in Europe in the end, the United States would undoubtedly be the biggest winner. But why did the United States even enter the war? Therefore, they did not participate in the entire war.

However, it's important to understand that while the United States wasn't involved in the war, it didn't mean Americans weren't doing business. At the time, the Royal Navy of the British Empire controlled the Atlantic, and Britain blockaded other countries throughout the Atlantic, prohibiting the supply of any goods to Germany and the Allies.

So in the end, the United States could only do business with Britain and the Allied Powers. But war was really expensive, and even a long-established colonial power like the British Empire couldn't squeeze much profit out of it. The Allied Powers couldn't keep ordering goods from the United States for long. So in the end, the main thing the United States did was provide loans, lending large sums of money to Britain and France.

These loans made American entrepreneurs and bankers incredibly wealthy, but they also drove up prices and the cost of living in the United States. This led to the rise of political power among the lower and middle classes, and the rapid growth of the working class and the petty bourgeoisie, further contributing to the later development of labor unions and the First Union Party.

Ordinary Americans and President Wilson did not actually want to get involved in the European war. What the United States really wanted to fight were the businessmen who were making a fortune in the war and the bankers who had lent large sums of money to the British. These people were eager for an Allied victory so that they could reap huge profits after the war.

However, things did not go as they expected. The US government was slow to act, and after the victory at Verdun, the situation became increasingly clear. Germany achieved the final victory and firmly dominated the European continent. From this perspective, the United States did not actually suffer much loss, since it did not actually engage in combat.

However, a series of subsequent events inevitably affected the United States as well. After the signing of the Leipzig Armistice, the French people were extremely indignant about the weakness of the government, and the French Revolution broke out. With the secret help of the German Emperor, socialists quickly overthrew the French government at the time, and Marshal Pétain could only lead his remaining troops to flee to the North African colonies in a panic.

It's important to understand that the United States had borrowed a large sum of money from France at the time. Now that the socialists were in power, how could they possibly repay it? The French Commune refused to repay the debt, and they were too busy repaying their debts to Germany to have time to repay this loan.

If the French Commune refused to repay its loans, then the French Republic in North Africa was even less likely to do so. They had all fled to Africa and had no money left to repay their loans. They were hoping to get some benefits from the old British Empire, but who knew that Britain would also follow France's bad example and seize power, with the British royal family fleeing to Canada, leaving them to watch helplessly from across the border.

The inability of Britain and France to repay their loans, coupled with the economic crisis of 1925 and the German-dominated European market, dealt a significant blow to the United States.

However, no matter what, they could still maintain their position as the world's second largest economy. The exiled governments of the Entente Powers were still hoping to return home, so they clung tightly to the United States, hoping to establish a Grand Entente Power led by the United States, along with the Imperial Pact and the Comintern, to divide the world into three.

The idea is wonderful, but reality is harsh. The United States is not very interested in these things and rarely cares about things outside the Americas. In addition, with the current internal contradictions in the United States, it is even less able to spare the time to deal with other matters.

Because of the economic recession and the impact of the German market, American society has become more divided, with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. Extremely high unemployment and inflation have been troubling current US President Coolidge, but what worries him even more is the current political situation in the United States.

Because of the success of the English and French revolutions, coupled with internal crises, American politics began to fracture. Seeing the achievements of Britain and France after their revolutions, socialists within the United States began to unite, such as the United States Syndicate (CSA), now the largest left-wing alliance in the country.

The United States Syndicate is currently the most powerful left-wing force in the United States and the strongest left-wing force in North America. It is known as the "second beacon" after the Comintern. Unlike the Comintern, it is an alliance of American labor unions and socialist parties based on syndicalism and socialist principles.

The United States United Syndicate, comprised of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and the American Federation of Labor (AFL), aims to coordinate union activities and policies with the goal of leading a “socialist revolution” in the United States.

The fact that the US government has not taken any action to eliminate such a "reactionary" force, besides the current administration's ineffective finances and many other social problems, is also due to the powerful strength of these two associations.

The American Federation of Labor (AFL), a national trade union federation, was founded in 1886 in Columbus, Ohio, initially due to a dispute with the now-disbanded Knights of Labor. The union was led by union leader Samuel Gumpas until his death in 1924.

Before the United States Syndicate was established, it was the largest labor union in the United States, primarily established by craft unions, a unionist model in which workers organize themselves according to the specific industry or craft they work in.

From its inception, the AFL has focused on achieving minimum wage and protecting injured workers. The AFL's guiding principle is "pure and simple unionism," which can be summarized by its slogan, "A fair day's pay for a fair day's work."

This fundamentally conservative approach limits the AFL to issues related to wages and working conditions, downgrading its political objectives to its allies in the political arena.

It strongly opposes unrestricted immigration from Europe, fearing that the influx of new workers would flood the labor market and drive down wages, which has certain limitations, but it cannot be denied that it is a powerful workers' organization across the United States.

The Industrial Workers of the World, the main body of the CSA, is different. It is a revolutionary industrial union founded in Chicago, Illinois in 1905, with the aim of opposing the AFL's acceptance of capitalism and its refusal to accept unskilled workers into the handicraft union.

Its main goal is to promote worker solidarity and unite in the struggle to overthrow the employer class. In contrast to the AFL-CIO, the World Industrial Confederation is an industrial union organization, which is a unionist model in which all workers in an industry are organized into the same union, regardless of their skills or craftsmanship.

The World Industrial Alliance advocates for direct action, such as sabotage, strikes, propaganda, and boycotts, to achieve its goals, rather than political action through electoral politics. It emphasizes ordinary organizations, rather than authorized leaders, to negotiate with employers on behalf of workers.

One of the most important contributions of the World Industrial Union to the labor movement and the broader promotion of social justice was that, at its inception, it was the only American labor union to welcome all workers, including women, immigrants, and people of all races, into the same organization.

In the 1910s and early 1920s, the World Industrial Alliance achieved many of its short-term goals, particularly in the American West, and transcended traditional guild and union boundaries, organizing workers into a wide range of industries and sectors. The World Industrial Alliance played a significant role in promoting the concept of a “grand alliance,” and thus became the main body for the formation of American syndicates.

In its early days, the CSA was primarily led by the Socialist Party of America, which was one of the earliest socialist parties in the United States. It was founded in Indianapolis, Indiana in 1901.

Formed by dissent from the Social Democratic Party and the Socialist Labor Party, the Red Belt region has the largest voting power in the industrial areas of the Midwest and the Great Lakes, hence its nickname.