German Red Prince

Page 65

"Yes, sir!" The officer who entered saluted and left.

Hu Hanmin was left alone in the room again. He sighed, looked at the crowd outside the window, and left after a long while.

At this moment, Liao Zhongkai was holding the telegram in his hand and smiling. This was the best news he had heard in a long time. The standoff on the Yangtze River these days had exhausted him. Fortunately, some good news came from Hunan.

He was right about the development in Hunan. At this stage, only Hunan has made progress. The revolutionary army in Hunan has chosen to launch a westward expedition and has already penetrated deep into Sichuan.

The land revolution received broad support from the local people. Whenever the revolutionary army liberated a place, the local people would enthusiastically sign up to support the revolutionary cause.

"It seems necessary to promote their land policy; this is crucial for our revolution." Liao Zhongkai placed the telegram on the table. "We must also formulate our own land policy. A revolution must be thorough, otherwise there is no revolution at all!"

Of course, Liao Zhongkai's original intention was good: to help poor farmers obtain land and ensure that "the tiller owns the land." However, this would inevitably affect the interests of some people.

Liao Zhongkai's series of reforms during this period have touched the bottom line of some people. If they do not take action, they will be completely emptied out. Since Liao Zhongkai insists on going his own way, then don't blame them for being impolite. Anyway, there are so many people within the Kuomintang, and there are other forces that can support him.

"Hello, Mr. Hu."

The special envoy sent by Germany greeted Hu Hanmin.

"Mr. Special Envoy, let's get straight to the point," Hu Hanmin said with a smile, waving his hand and picking up his glass. "Our representatives are all here. What assistance can you offer us, Mr. Special Envoy?"

"Oh, dear Mr. Hu, our Imperial Government is a trustworthy government. As long as you can successfully control the situation in Guangzhou, the Imperial Government will definitely help you."

What kind of help can we provide?

"Rest assured, the Imperial Government will keep its promise. Our navy in East Asia will send warships to help you blockade Guangzhou."

"Thank you very much," Hu Hanmin replied.

"There's one more thing," the envoy suddenly added. "Mr. Hu, the Imperial government doesn't do things without its own interests. Only after you have firmly established yourself in Guangzhou will the Empire come to help you."

After saying that, he picked up his hat, bowed, and left. Hu Hanmin, who had just been smiling as he saw him off, suddenly frowned. "These Germans are definitely up to no good. They won't eat until they've got their hands on something securely."

He turned to the others and asked, "How are our preparations going? What's been happening lately?"

"It's going very smoothly. Liao Zhongkai's recent land revolution, which he's been following the Communist Party in, has already aroused the dissatisfaction of many people within the party. He's courting death and isolating himself. We might not even have to lift a finger; who knows how many people want him dead."

“He’s gone mad. He should just go and say hello to those people and tell them that I, Hu Hanmin, am following the late Premier’s wishes and upholding the Three Principles of the People. They will all understand.”

"Yes!"

"Now we'll see who has the stronger fist. Liao Zhongkai, why don't you understand? You've offended all those big shots. Do you expect those poor peasants to help you? What foolish thing of you did to follow the Communist Party's ways?"

The situation in Guangzhou is getting increasingly unsettled. Liao Zhongkai is getting too close to the Communist Party. What will happen to these "veterans" if the Communist Party becomes the sole superpower? They don't want to wake up one day to find that Guangzhou has become the Communist Party's domain.

The situation in Guangzhou is getting increasingly muddy, and some people have already begun to quietly take sides. They all know that a conflict is inevitable.

"Chairman Mao is here! Come and have a melon!" A farmer working in the field was very excited to see Chairman Mao coming. He picked a ripe melon from the ground and ran over.

"Chairman, be careful." Liu Yuan, the bodyguard standing beside the chairman, quickly stepped in front of him, fearing that someone might have ulterior motives.

"Hey, Xiao Liu, why are you blocking my way?" Chairman Mao chuckled as he pushed Liu Yuan aside. "My life, Mao Zedong's life, isn't worth much money; it wouldn't be much more expensive by weight."

He took the melon the farmer handed him, wiped it, broke it open, and started eating.

Liu Yuan, who was standing next to him, was so nervous that he almost fainted. He wondered if anything had been added to the melon, and how it had ended up being eaten.

"Excuse me, fellow villager, your melons are really sweet! How did you grow them? Xiao Liu, you should try some, or I'll eat them all."

"Chairman, please eat. My mission is to protect your safety." Liu Yuan waved his hand and declined.

"You'll regret it if you don't eat it."

After Chairman Mao finished speaking, he sat down on a mound of earth and looked at the land in front of him.

"Hey fellow villager, how have you been lately? How's the harvest?"

"Of course, how could it not be good!"

The farmer's expression was very rich. He squatted down and began to speak, "We were given land and an ox after the land was distributed. We no longer have to farm for the landlords. Recently, the weather has been good. I think even God is happy. You and God are both willing to give us a bite to eat. How could the harvest not be good!"

"Hahaha, I'm not as powerful as God, I don't have any divine magic, I'm just an ordinary person with a nose and two eyes."

"Of course not! How could you be like us farmers? You are a god descended from heaven to overthrow those landlords and are the savior of us poor people!"

"Look at what you're saying, old man." The chairman couldn't help but laugh. "I'm not some god descended from heaven. I just ate a melon from you. Have you ever seen a god who eats other people's melons? How poor and stingy would that be?"

"I'm just like you, not as capable as you. You can grow crops and produce food. If it weren't for you, someone like me who can only play with a pen would have starved to death long ago!"

After finishing his melon, the chairman clapped his hands and stood up. "I didn't eat that melon for free. I'll pay you how much it cost."

"You can't do that!" the farmer quickly waved his hand. "That was a gift from me, how can I accept money from it!"

"I just established the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention. How can I be the first to take advantage of your kindness? Please accept this money and don't refuse it."

The chairman stuffed the money into the villager's pocket and waved goodbye.

"This, Chairman! That's too much! You've given too much!" The old farmer grabbed the money and tried to chase after him.

"Consider it my savings for eating melons," Chairman Mao said with a smile, telling him to stop while he continued on his way.

The farmer, clutching the money, stood there dumbfounded, unsure what to say.

Chairman Mao then visited several villages to check on their situation and returned very late.

The revolutionary situation of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army is good. The flames of revolution are burning brightly. To the west, Wang Erzhuo and Lin Biao are advancing into Sichuan. To the south, Wang Jialie is also fighting fiercely. After surrendering, he actively accepted reform and can now lead troops to fight again. Tang Jiyao in Guizhou is his old enemy. Now, he is settling old scores with new ones, so he is fighting hard and seems to be aiming to capture Kunming.

Moreover, the size of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army continued to expand under the impetus of the land revolution. It has now grown from more than 10,000 to 80,000, which is close to the total number of the Northern Expeditionary Army. If the number of local militia is included, it has exceeded 100,000. This size is enough to contend with many forces and can completely form its own faction. This is also the Central Committee's "second-hand preparation" so that it will not be completely at the mercy of others in the event of unforeseen circumstances.

Upon returning, Zhu De found the place in complete chaos. Seeing Chairman Mao, Zhu De rushed over, exclaiming, "Old Mao, where have you been? We've been looking for you! Something's happened!"

"Don't panic, what happened?"

"Commissioner Liao has been assassinated!"

"What?" Chairman Mao was somewhat taken aback.

"Liao Zhongkai has been assassinated! His fate is unknown!"

Upon hearing this, Chairman Mao fell silent, and those around him also stopped, quietly awaiting orders.

"Sure enough, I didn't expect those people to be so impatient." Chairman Mao sat down in a chair and lit a cigarette.

"Comrades, get ready. We may be the only ones left to move forward."

Guangzhou was in chaos at this time, and Hu Hanmin looked up at the dark sky.

"The rain is coming and the wind is blowing all over the building."

Chapter Ninety-Nine: The Choice of the Communist International

The city's defense police force had been secretly bribed and was ready to be deployed at any time. After a period of constant lobbying, many troops had abandoned their beliefs. These old warlords who had infiltrated the revolutionary ranks had no revolutionary ideals and were willing to be executioners of counter-revolutionaries. Liao Zhongkai's radical reform policies caused the financial magnates and landlords to abandon their support for him and turn to find new agents.

They had previously favored Chiang Kai-shek, who had some reputation in the army, but they didn't expect him to be so disappointing. He suffered a crushing defeat and was later killed in a bombing. They had no choice but to find other people to continue their cooperation.

They did not oppose the Three Principles of the People that Sun Yat-sen had previously mentioned, because there were still many loopholes to exploit, and it did not pose much of a threat to them. However, now that they wanted to redistribute land and money, that would really hurt them. They could not tolerate this. Taking away someone's money is like killing their parents. Since Liao Zhongkai would not listen to their advice, then they would not be polite.

However, now is not the time to make a move. Everyone knows that Liao Zhongkai has conflicts with the right wing. If we make a move now, it will be too easy to expose ourselves. So we must use someone else to do the dirty work. We must stay behind the scenes and let them fight each other. They have also chosen the one who will be the one to carry the knife in front of them. That person is Wang Jingwei, the number two left-wing figure in the Kuomintang.

Wang Jingwei, Hu Hanmin, and Liao Zhongkai were the three most powerful contenders for power after Sun Yat-sen's death. Now, Liao Zhongkai is the General Committee Member, and the left-wing forces hold real power. Hu Hanmin has been marginalized from the center of power. He has been putting on a good show of weakness, implying that he has given up the struggle for power.

So now the real power is held by Liao Zhongkai and Wang Jingwei. Wang Jingwei is also quite qualified. Before Sun Yat-sen passed away, he had a very high opinion of him. Is he really willing to be a second-in-command for the rest of his life?

As long as they can sow discord between Liao Zhongkai and Wang Jingwei, they can reap the benefits. Rumors have been circulating in Guangzhou recently, mostly about assassinating Liao Zhongkai. These rumors have spread and caused panic over time.

Wang Jingwei even received a note that someone wanted to harm Liao Zhongkai, but Liao Zhongkai paid no attention to it. He continued to give speeches and work until late at night as usual. Finally, one afternoon, a vicious bullet pierced his chest from behind. The despicable reactionaries did not dare to shoot a great revolutionary from the front.

When Liao Zhongkai was assassinated, the entire city of Guangzhou was thrown into chaos. Strangely, Wang Jingwei, as the commander of Guangzhou's defenses, had so many police troops under his command, yet the assassin managed to escape, right in front of everyone. With so many police troops present, it was truly unbelievable that not a single lone assassin was captured.

Rumors are the most dangerous thing because these baseless statements can be taken as "facts." People don't care about the truth; they only care about what they want to know. There are already rumors that the assassination of Liao Zhongkai was entirely attributed to Wang Jingwei, who said that he wanted to "replace Liao and establish a new regime."

In short, it's a case of mud falling down one's pants, and even if it wasn't something, it was still something. It's true that his police force didn't catch the murderer, but to say that he was the mastermind would be too unfair. Although he wasn't very satisfied with the position of second-in-command, it wouldn't be enough for him to go so far as to assassinate someone. He's not stupid.

In everyone's eyes, the biggest beneficiary of Liao Zhongkai's assassination was Hu Hanmin. Hu Hanmin had been sidelined and had no real power. He hadn't been in the public eye much lately. Since Liao Zhongkai came to power, he had kept a low profile. As the second-in-command, Wang Jingwei was the one who held real power after Liao Zhongkai's assassination. Who else would they suspect if not him?

Liao Zhongkai is currently undergoing intensive care in the hospital, and his fate is unknown. He is the center of the entire revolutionary government and the Northern Expedition. If he were to die, the future would be truly difficult. Both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party are very concerned about Liao Zhongkai's condition. Liao Zhongkai fully supports the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and keeps in mind Sun Yat-sen's three vows of "uniting with the French, uniting with the Communists, and assisting workers and peasants." If he were to pass away, it would be a huge loss to the cooperation between the two parties.

However, the person most concerned about Liao Zhongkai's situation is Wang Jingwei. He has been treated as a suspect and his freedom has been restricted. He was stopped by the guards when he tried to visit Liao Zhongkai in the hospital. If Liao Zhongkai dies, his political career will be over. Everyone is praying silently that things will not go wrong. This is a critical period for the Northern Expedition.

With Liao Zhongkai in a coma and Wang Jingwei under suspicion, there is no one in the revolutionary government who can keep things in check. If this goes on for too long, things will definitely change. Therefore, after discussion, the Guangdong Revolutionary Government decided that Ms. Soong Ching-ling would temporarily act as the General Committee Member. As the wife of the late Premier and a member of the Guangdong Revolutionary Government Committee, Soong Ching-ling's status and position are undeniable. Others might object to her acting as General Committee Member, but with Soong Ching-ling acting, no one has anything to say.

The only good news was that Liao Zhongkai was out of danger after being rescued, but he was still in a coma and it was unknown when he would wake up. This delay could not continue. After discussion, the revolutionary government decided that it was necessary to hold an emergency meeting to discuss future actions. The senior generals who were away in the Northern Expedition were all to return. Now the north and south were in a standoff, the Fengtian government was eyeing the north with hostility, and Zhang Zongchang had also made some moves. The Qing Empire did not dare to easily attack the south. The army commanders could also take advantage of this opportunity to return and hold a meeting.

Faced with a series of internal changes in the revolutionary government, the Comintern and the headquarters of the International Brigades remained unusually quiet, only expressing their concern for Committee Member Liao Zhongkai. However, they did take some action: the International Brigades troops supporting China had been withdrawing from the front lines to Guangzhou in recent days, seemingly ready to leave at any time.

In fact, immediately after Liao Zhongkai's assassination, the commander-in-chief of the International Brigades, Tangui, informed the Comintern headquarters in France of the situation. Moreover, after a long period of observation, the observers found that the Communist Party had much greater potential than the Kuomintang, and that supporting the Communist Party might make it easier to achieve victory in the Chinese revolution than supporting the Kuomintang.

They previously supported the Kuomintang established by Sun Yat-sen in Guangdong because it was the only relatively strong force in China that they could support. From north to south, it seemed that they were the only ones who were not imperialist lackeys, and they claimed to have 200,000 party members and 100,000 troops.

They had their own territory and were relatively powerful. At the time, the Communist Party believed that supporting the Kuomintang's Guangdong Revolutionary Government was more practical than supporting the Communist Party, which only had a few hundred members, and the probability of success was also greater.

Therefore, during Sun Yat-sen's lifetime, the relationship between France and Guangdong was always good. At that time, the eight provinces were united with German support, but the Guangdong government allowed France to successfully pry open a gap in China.

Although Sun Yat-sen was not particularly interested in French socialist theory at the time, he did not refuse any investment that could be secured.

When the French Commune decided to provide assistance, it discovered that it was a complete scam. Most of the claimed 200,000 members were overseas, and those in the country were scattered. Few of the registered members could be found, and most were unknown.

Moreover, as a political party, its grassroots party organizations are very disorganized, and the party is riddled with factions and extremely complex. It doesn't even have a decent party program or discipline, which is a bit too hasty and doesn't resemble what a political party should be like at all.

His 100,000 troops were the same. He originally thought that the Kuomintang had its own armed forces, but after investigation, he found that the Kuomintang's army was pieced together by warlords of all sizes. There were no directly subordinate troops. It was just a loose alliance of warlords. How could such an army have any fighting power?

Despite the Kuomintang's incompetence, France had no choice; it was the only force it could invest in. France set conditions: if the Guangdong government wanted to accept French aid, it had to undergo a complete overhaul, and the Kuomintang had to be reorganized.

In order to obtain assistance, Sun Yat-sen subsequently reorganized the Kuomintang. At the First National Congress of the Kuomintang, he systematically reformed and standardized the disorganized party and agreed to cooperate with the Communist Party to work together. Considering the situation at the time, the Communist Party also agreed to Sun Yat-sen's idea, and the two sides joined forces for the first time.

The Kuomintang had a military advantage, while the Communist Party had no army at the time. Its main task was to help the Kuomintang establish revolutionary branches. Almost all the grassroots revolutionary branches in eight provinces were established with the help of the Communist Party, since the Kuomintang was not good at mobilizing the masses at the time.

As things progressed, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party gradually grew stronger, with their numbers and scale increasing significantly. The Guangdong government finally had the strength to compete for power. As soon as Sun Chuanfang raised the banner of counter-revolution, the French government did not hesitate to send troops to support the Chinese revolution, because in their view, victory was only a matter of time.

As they had imagined, the revolutionary army swept through the south with unstoppable momentum, and the situation was very favorable. What surprised France the most was that the Communist Party had its own army at this time.

The Communist Party of today is no longer a party with only a few small organizations. The Communist Party forces in Hunan are now on par with the current revolutionary government in Guangdong. Who could have imagined that they could grow from an armed force of a few thousand people to a local government with more than 100,000 soldiers in such a short period of time?

Although reorganized, the Guangdong Revolutionary Government's army still resembles the old warlord army. They only obey the command of one person, and the various armies of the Northern Expedition seem to be independent factions. Within each army, either most of the soldiers are from Guangdong or most of them are from Fujian. This is completely unlike what a revolutionary government should be like.

Therefore, after a long period of observation by the observers, they have identified the Communist Party as their next target for assistance. Moreover, the Kuomintang is a bourgeois party, and they cooperate with the Kuomintang because its leader is a leftist and its goal is to defeat the warlords in the north.

Now that this leader has been assassinated, it shows that their internal divisions have begun, so the Comintern has no need to support this regime that may betray the revolution.

They didn't choose the Communist Party back then because the Communist Party was too weak and had no chance of success. Now it's different. They have armed forces that are no less powerful than the Northern Expeditionary Army. These troops obey the Party's command completely, rather than being loyal to any particular person. This makes them much stronger than the Kuomintang. Moreover, there is no ideological conflict between the French Commune and the Communist Party.

After careful consideration, the Comintern headquarters has issued an order: "If unexpected chaos occurs in the East in the future, the Comintern's international brigade forces should support the Communist Party in its next actions."

In other words, if the Kuomintang betrays the revolution in the future, the Comintern will stand with the Communist Party, which includes using violence against the Kuomintang.

This is also why Tangui withdrew the International Brigades. This special meeting of the Kuomintang was of utmost importance, concerning the future of the revolution in East Asia, and he had to make sure that everything was in order.

Meanwhile, senior Kuomintang generals who were away from Guangzhou returned one after another. The Communist Party also received instructions and rushed to Guangzhou. Among them was Mao Zedong, a member of the Central Committee of the Guangdong Revolutionary Government, the Central Propaganda Committee, and the General Committee of Hunan Province.

Chapter 100 Wang Jingwei Seizes Power

"Committee Member Liao's condition is not good right now. Fortunately, the bullet did not hit any vital organs, and he is still in a coma."

Chairman Mao, holding the telegram sent by the Central Committee, sat on a bench smoking. After explaining the situation, he sat there silently. The comrades in the room looked at each other, unsure of what to do next.

"Hey Chairman Mao, stop keeping us in suspense. What's our next move?" Zhu De couldn't wait any longer and quickly asked Chairman Mao.

"What can we do? The Central Committee has sent a letter asking us to return to Guangzhou for a meeting, so let's just go back," Chairman Mao said with a smile, throwing his cigarette butt on the ground.

"A meeting in Guangzhou? I feel like the atmosphere here is a bit off. Maybe you shouldn't go."

"The letter specifically named someone with the surname Mao who was going over. How could I not go?" Chairman Mao waved his hand. "If I don't go, who knows what people will say about us? Besides, Committee Member Liao is so supportive of our actions in Hunan. It would be too bad if we didn't go now."

"But, but I feel uneasy, I have a feeling that something is going to go wrong." Zhu De clutched his chest, feeling that this trip to Guangzhou was likely to end badly.

"What problem could possibly arise? Are you going to eat me? Besides, aren't you here? Commander Zhu, what's the panic?"

"Look at what you're saying, do you think that can work? You're our backbone, how can I accomplish anything on my own!"

"Don't be modest," the Chairman smiled. "People always talk about Zhu and Mao. You're even ahead of me in the list. Without Zhu, where would Mao come from? I definitely can't miss this meeting. I'll leave things to you here."

Seeing that the Chairman said this, Zhu De knew that he could not persuade him and could only let him go.

"Xiao Liu, the Chairman is going to a meeting. You must ensure his safety. Don't let him wander off. Guangzhou is not like here. Who knows what kind of people are there? This is an order, understand?"

"Understood! Mission accomplished!" Liu Yuan straightened his chest and saluted.

"You're always so fierce, don't scare the children," Chairman Mao joked, pointing at Zhu De.

"Hey, why are you taking my good intentions for granted and lecturing me?"

"Hahaha, enough joking around." The Chairman looked at Katayama Sen beside him. "Comrade Katayama Sen, what did the Comintern say? What instructions did they give?"

"The Comintern is very concerned about Commissioner Liao's injuries and has discussed the possible next steps. We have received a letter from Paris, and Commander Tangui has also notified me."