German Red Prince

Page 216

Despite the conflict with the People's Republican Party, there's no need to worry about the chances of this bill passing. Even if it doesn't pass, Kerensky can find a way to get it through; it's just a formality. Besides, this bill is a patriotic one, and anyone who opposes it is an unpatriot.

In the early 1920s, chaotic Russia was just beginning to regain some order. Bolshevik rule had ended, and the country was slowly recovering. In an effort to revive the chaotic Russian economy, the government at the time attempted to implement reform policies using socialist economic theory and with the help of the Russian middle class and petty bourgeoisie.

Although the Bolsheviks failed, some of their ideas are not entirely unacceptable and can be "critically" learned from. Russia is a large country with a vast land area. The newly elected government rejected the Bolsheviks' public ownership of land and changed land ownership again.

Recognizing the land ownership of Russian peasants after their own redistribution effectively restored private land ownership, though not completely; the fertile lands in the western regions were taken over by the state.

By utilizing the gold reserves inherited from the Russian Empire, the new government's "New Economic Policy" put the state apparatus back into operation.

Many military industrial enterprises have resumed operations. In addition to these policies, foreign capital is also extremely important. Financial investments from Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the United States have been allowed to enter various economic sectors, playing an important role in Russia's economic revival.

Even in the current economic crisis, the facts are clear: those decisions were absolutely correct, and Russian industry still has considerable growth potential.

Russia's economy is still on the rise, and Kerensky's biggest regret is that nothing bad happened in the United States, otherwise he would have taken over all the American companies as well.

Taking advantage of the chaos and power reshuffling in Europe, Kerensky wanted to swallow up these companies in Russia and then get Russia's massive war machine running to reclaim lost territories. He needed to find a group of suitable core members to help him carry out this major task of nationalizing foreign companies.

499. Invitation

As the capital of Russia, St. Petersburg certainly has many wealthy young men, and Fremont is not very old, and he is also very generous with his money.

Fremont had ample funds to make connections with more people, and his generosity earned him considerable influence in St. Petersburg's upper circles.

It doesn't matter whether these people are true friends or fair-weather friends. He's a fake person anyway, so there's no point in caring about them. Even if he makes ninety-nine useless friends, as long as the next friend can give him a little information, it's all worth it.

The State Duma doesn't serve much purpose; it's basically just a decorative object. But at least it's a decorative object. The people who work there have access to information and resources that are unmatched by ordinary people.

Fremont was a member of Kerensky's Socialist Revolutionary Party, but to be a spy, one must have connections. Although he was a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, he also maintained good relations with many people in Savinkov's People's Republican Party.

Such a middleman position is highly sought after, because when there are any unspeakable transactions between the two parties, it is this middleman who steps in, and he can also extract a lot of information from these transactions.

For example, Savinkov is currently actively leveraging his connections, moving officers who are close to him to southern Russia and the Moscow region, clearly preparing for something big.

Because of his excellent interpersonal skills, he was able to smoothly enter the Nationalization Committee to handle the German assets in St. Petersburg. This was a perfect fit for his profession, and it was very lucrative. After the collapse of Germany, they had no political backing in Germany.

If he had one, that would be even better. The Gestapo in East Germany wasn't to be trifled with either. Now it was East Germany, the proletariat was in power. Those capitalists would be better off keeping their tails between their legs if they spared his life. Where in Germany could he find a backer? If he spoke up today, the Gestapo could knock on his door and take his backer away tomorrow.

Many astute capitalists immediately fled with their money, believing that as long as they survive, they can always make a comeback. These people could leave Russia, but nationalization included their assets. There was a limit to the amount of assets that could not be taken away, but this was just a matter of a clerk's word.

If they stuff enough, it's okay if you exceed the limit a little. If they don't stuff enough, even if they don't confiscate anything, they can still seize all your assets here. Fremont has a lot of "good brothers" who can introduce him to such a lucrative job. Of course, he knows what they're thinking when they let him do this. He certainly can't keep all these benefits for himself. He has to share the lion's share after it's over.

Fremont had been thoroughly enjoying the ransacking of homes during this period, showing no sympathy whatsoever for these Germans. He was very efficient, and Fremont's team, which was working in St. Petersburg, performed the best, with many impressive maneuvers that even caught the attention of Kerensky.

A young member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, capable and influential within both the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the People's Republican Party—if he were to develop further, his future would be limitless.

Without anyone backing them up, these German and Austro-Hungarian companies became meek and subdued, losing their former arrogance. They were all eager to leave Russia as soon as possible, and they all paid up to avoid trouble. Fremont handled the situation quickly, and he also shared the profits privately. His actions made many people feel comfortable. It's really comfortable to cooperate with someone with a good mind.

"Andrei, there's an event next week, don't forget to attend."

Boris was overjoyed after receiving Fremont's favor and sent him an invitation to a cocktail party in St. Petersburg the following week.

"This cocktail party... I don't think it's appropriate for me to go."

Fremont glanced at the invitation, frowned, and thought it was an event for the People's Republican Party. Given his status, he was also a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, and he knew the relationship between the two parties. Wouldn't it be inappropriate for him to attend?

“Not suitable? What’s not suitable? There’s no one suitable in our party but you.” Boris twisted open a bottle of vodka and smiled at Fremont. “Although it’s a cocktail party, this time it’s not just about drinking. Otherwise, I wouldn’t have given you the invitation; I would have gone myself.”

The party was a public event, so some members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party would be attending. Fremont had a good relationship with them, and he was there on a mission.

"There are quite a few officers going with you this time. The reason why the President can't deal with the People's Republican Party is because the military is backing them. Back when Kolchak staged the coup, President Kerensky realized the importance of controlling the military. The People's Republican Party is not a monolithic entity. This time you're going to see who you can win over."

A few years ago, a dangerous coup occurred in St. Petersburg. Kolchak and his army, along with a group of government opponents, surrounded the Winter Palace and other important locations in St. Petersburg. They announced that Kerensky would be arrested immediately on charges of treason and corrupt dealings with the Germans.

The government was initially caught off guard, and many St. Petersburg residents were terrified, thinking the Bolsheviks had returned. They packed their belongings and prepared to flee. Fortunately, the coup failed, and Kolchak and Semyonov fled to the Trans-Amur region, which was supported by the Japanese.

Although Kerensky claimed all the credit, the most crucial factor was the previous major strike that paralyzed transportation in St. Petersburg. Their uprising in St. Petersburg prevented outside troops from entering, creating a time lag that allowed the government to react. The troops loyal to the government then forced Kolchak's army to lay down their arms.

The army is conservative. Although Kerensky was not a Bolshevik, many officers considered him at least "half a Bolshevik." Therefore, many officers supported Savinkov in the army. The People's Republican Party's strong influence in the government had begun to threaten the government controlled by the Socialist Revolutionary Party. This party could not be dealt with by force. If it were, St. Petersburg would probably have to be attacked again.

Fremont's mission was quite simple: to attend the party and see if he could contact some officers willing to cooperate. After all, the officers present were all of high rank, and Fremont had a good relationship with them, so chatting with them wouldn't attract too much attention.

"This is the President's intention. He has high hopes for you in the implementation of the nationalization policy, and we have also spoken highly of you."

Although this sounds like empty promises, Fremont definitely has to accept it. And the most important thing is that if he can get in touch with the military, it will be easier to start a revolution in the future. You can look for supporters of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, and I'll look for those who want to join the revolution.

Fremont felt that this mission could be a turning point for him in Russia, and that he would finally be able to get something useful from now on.

500. Abrogate the Minsk Agreements

Kerensky is one of the most influential politicians in modern Russia, and he is also the second president of the Democratic Federal Republic of Russia to date.

Kerensky's influence was clearly greater than that of the first president, making him an unavoidable topic.

Whenever people talk about Russia's current national policies, it seems like they're not talking about Russia as a country, but about Kerensky as a person. His influence on Russia is so great that, for some, Kerensky is the founding father of the republic.

Kerensky wanted to establish a democratic Russia, but the actual democratic government was in fact his dictatorship.

Kerensky did not keep his promise. In his own words, Russia is now in a "state of emergency," and democracy is less important than having enough to eat.

Kerensky's reforms did not bring about significant changes in Russia, so in the eyes of some, Kerensky was a sign of Russia's decline.

In his youth, Kerensky was quite radical, perhaps because his childhood friend was Lenin, who called him "Little Napoleon."

They probably never imagined that they would one day turn against each other. He and Lenin chose two different paths. Kerensky believed that socialism should be achieved through reform, while Lenin believed that it should be achieved through revolution. This difference in ideology and path led to their direct conflict.

The February Revolution and the October Revolution, through a series of political struggles, ultimately saw Kerensky emerge victorious, the Bolshevik rule overthrown, and Kerensky regaining power. Years of exile and the devastation inflicted on the Russian Civil War profoundly changed him.

Kerensky became even more convinced that revolution could not change a country, and that only through gradual reforms could a country become strong. However, perhaps influenced by Lenin, Kerensky was the most radical member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.

Many radical reform policies were his creation. Perhaps compared to Lenin, he was a moderate, but within the Socialist Revolutionary Party, Kerensky was a "Leninist" figure—he was too radical.

To become the undisputed dictator of Russia today, Kerensky also crawled out of a mountain of corpses and seas of blood. At the same time, Viktor Chernov, the leader of the Socialist Revolutionary Party at the time, wanted to expand his influence and used Kerensky to provide an opportunity to promote reforms of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.

Chernov hoped to gain enough support by resolving Russia's land problem at the time, but the passage of the land socialization bill was delayed in every possible way. The parties could not reach a complete agreement and could only take a compromise route, passing half of the bill, with private and state ownership coexisting.

The failure of the reforms led to chaos within the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which split from its former size. Chernov lost sufficient prestige, and different factions emerged within the party due to the failure of the reforms. During this chaotic period, Kerensky officially stepped onto the Russian stage and returned to the pinnacle of power once again.

The chaotic Russian political scene actually shaped him; the infighting between parties meant that the Socialist Revolutionary Party never encountered any strong opponents.

Kerensky's pro-German stance provided him with strong external support, and the threat posed by Kolchak was also an important foundation for the consolidation of his rule. Meanwhile, the White Army in the Trans-Amur was attempting to make a comeback.

Kerensky's announcement at this time of nationalizing German and Austro-Hungarian companies surprised many in Russia.

This is simply surreal. Who would have thought that Kerensky, who practically groveled before the German Emperor in his search for a loan, would turn around and betray his master the moment Germany ran into trouble?

Kerensky was a well-known pro-German figure at the time, and almost all Russians regarded him as Germany's agent in Russia. The Germans also called him "the most German Russian." Chernov's failure was largely due to the fact that he did not "sell out" the country like Kerensky, who was arguably the ruler handpicked by the Germans.

The change in attitude was so rapid, but it was a last resort. The People's Republican Party's influence was growing, and the Socialist Revolutionary Party was about to lose its majority in the Duma. Going it alone no longer gave them much of an advantage, and now they were only able to alleviate the crisis by forming alliances with other parties in the Duma.

Russia's right-wing forces are growing steadily because Kerensky's attitude toward Germany has aroused dissatisfaction among many people. Savinkov also seized the opportunity to poach many right-wing members from the Socialist Revolutionary Party. The German civil war also had a huge impact on Russian politics because Kerensky was finally able to drop his pretense. The expansion of right-wing forces led Kerensky to abandon his left-wing stance and begin to make a sharp rightward turn.

Savinkov is right-wing, so why don't I just act even more right-wing than you? Kerensky is now trying to poach people from the People's Republican Party, since they are now the ruling party. It's much easier for Kerensky to poach people than for Savinkov. These two used to be from the same party, and now they have a good relationship on the surface, but in reality they are frantically poaching people from each other behind the scenes.

Krenski's resolute stance on nationalizing German companies changed many people's perceptions of him. In newspapers, Krenski claimed how much the Germans had taken advantage of.

Now they're going to spew out countless slogans to frantically cleanse Germany's influence in Russia. People don't know exactly what these policies will do, but everyone can see Kerensky's attitude. This former "traitor" has actually been "enduring" all along.

His forbearance was quite skillful. If things hadn't gone wrong in Germany, Kerensky would probably have endured for decades more. His actions were purely a politician's consideration. Calling him a patriot is an understatement; he was more like an opportunist seeking to maximize his own interests.

His actions have indeed caused quite a political reaction. Continuing his efforts, Kerensky passed another important document: he wanted to abolish the Minsk Agreement.

After the Bolshevik regime failed, the new Russian government naturally inherited the previous humiliating treaties. They were forced to renew the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, relinquishing a series of territories in Eastern Europe and West Asia, effectively placing these newly independent countries under German control. Land that had been taken over over the centuries was now being given back.

This treasonous treaty was a key part of their attack on the Bolsheviks back then, and now they have to sign it again. Kerensky was a staunch advocate of war, but the new government turned to the surrender faction and compromised with Germany. His signature is also on this treaty, which has become an important basis for Savinkov's right-wing forces to attack him.

Now that we've finally made it, the German Empire has vanished. Since we can nationalize their assets, this treaty can also be nullified.

However, Kerensky remained cautious. The Eastern European countries were still under the German monarchy, and abolishing all of them at once could trigger a war. Therefore, he abolished only a portion of them and stopped paying reparations to Germany.

This effectively acknowledged the legitimacy of East Germany, as the German Empire still existed, though East Germany did not recognize it. Russia also refused to pay reparations, meaning it did not recognize the German Empire either. Kerensky hoped to use this to ease tensions with East Germany, since the "remnants of the empire" in Eastern Europe were now their common enemy.

Back in the day, the non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and Germany could have led to the disappearance of Poland. Perhaps Russia could now consider a way to negotiate with Germany and eliminate this large region of Eastern Europe.